The Almshouse

Part II: War & Occupation

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Before the invasion, New York struggled to house and supply the rebel army, which consistently found itself short on provisions – Gen. Washington sending officers door to door in search of firearms. Residents also fell under nightly curfews, with soldiers and others patrolling the streets; one resident complaining, “We all live here like nuns shut up in a nunnery.” Troops also brought disease, and put crushing weight on existing supply chains of wood, food, drink, and other necessities. But all these problems were visited many times over for the British military, who faced a logistical nightmare attempting to feed, house, clothe, protect, and govern an exploding population of soldiers and civilians, more than 3,000 miles from home, on a tight budget, in the resource-depleting vortex of war.

  • New York shrank from 25,000 to 5,000 people before the invasion. But six months later refugees pushed the number up to 11,000. By 1780, it had ballooned to 33,000. Before the end, it passed 50,000. With the massive loss of housing in the fires, and the even more plague-like reduction of timber in the region, homelessness, squatting, quartering, and overcrowding became endemic. It was exacerbated by a record-cold winter that froze New York’s harbor solid. The cost of food jumped 800 percent. Talk of famine recurred. And epidemics of yellow fever, cholera, and smallpox (the greatest killer of the war) took untold numbers. Each morning, cart-men wheeled the frozen, starved, and pestilent dead.

    The Almshouse is a fitting place to assess social welfare in New York under British occupation. These institutions had begun to proliferate in England with the decline of feudalism and the rise of liberalism. But they only sheltered the “deserving poor,” most often widows, orphans, and the “infirm.” Debtor prisons were more common, like the giant pair flanking each side of this little building on the Common, functioning mainly as repositories for cheap labor. New York’s public almshouse was no different. Officially a “house of correction for vagrants and paupers,” it sought to reform the poor foremost and, even in hard times, serviced just a fraction of them: no more than 300. That number remained the same during the war, even though the scale of hardship increased exponentially and the military put “the vestry” (forty leaders in New York’s Anglican church) in charge of municipal welfare. 

    Hundreds more received aid in the form of subsidized housing and rations, with thousands benefitting from public work contracts. But it was never enough. The area destroyed by the Great Fire (everything west of Broad Way and south of Broad St.) became a giant refugee camp known as “Canvas Town,” for the sailing cloth pulled over burnt chimneys, joists, and beams to make pitiful shelter from the elements. Holy Ground, the old red-light district north of St. Paul’s Chapel and west of the Common, became an open market to 3,000 “ladies of pleasure,” a six-fold increase on the colonial period. The military shipped a good number of England’s own poor for the soldiers, the young women “spirited off” the streets of Liverpool and other cities.

    Refugees and minorities shouldered the brunt, along with soldiers and camp followers. But most suffered. The government attempted but proved unable to provide adequate food, water, shelter, and medical care. When they failed to meet those needs, residents pursued them outside the law, raiding farms for food, seizing private homes for shelter, and illegally chopping trees for heat and fuel. By the end of the war, observers marveled at the destruction: streets now without trees and dug up for trenches, ghostly woodlots and ruined gardens, burnt-out houses and homes fit to collapse. Outside the city, where they had been dense hardwood forests and teeming fisheries, New York also looked physically exhausted.

In a triangle on the northeast corner of City Hall Park lies another stone marking the remains of several burial grounds used by the poorhouse, the debtor prisons, and the main barracks. It likely contains the remains of both refugees and soldiers from the war. Other victims were placed in the African Burial Ground nearby, the largest Black cemetery in the nation, and the graveyard at Shearith Israel, the oldest synagogue in America. There is no marker anywhere for Canvas Town or the Holy Ground.

Gen. Guy Carleton

Born to Anglo-Irish gentry, Guy Carleton served as Governor of Quebec during the invasion of 1775 and the expulsion of the American rebels in 1776. Knighted for his efforts, he became Commander-in-Chief of all British forces on the continent during the last two years of the war.

In that charge, he was a notable defender of Loyalists, who he saw as grossly mistreated and neglected in the Treaty ending the war, he was forced to carry out. While no abolitionist, Carleton also staunchly championed the slaves who found liberty with the British. He ordered the creation of The Book of Negroes, recording the names of 3,000 granted freedom, a particular point of contention in the negotiations with Gen. Washington. Carleton oversaw the evacuation of British forces, and then went on to serve as Governor of Quebec, again, in 1775.

  • His main responsibility soon became easing tensions between the relocated Loyalists and the French Canadian majority. Unable to find a solution, Parliament enacted the Constitutional Act in 1791, granting English-speaking Upper Canada (present-day Ontario) its own legislature and common law, and thus separating it from Quebec, the French-speaking majority in Lower Canada.

    Ironically, Carleton’s empathy for the French colonists, inherited after Britain won the land in 1763, had directly inspired legislation which prevented the earlier settlers, who flooded into the colony after the Seven Years War, from doing the same, instead upholding French law and Catholic tithes. Rebels viewed this law (mistakenly) as one of the “Intolerable Acts” passed after the Boston Tea Party in 1774, cited in the case for rebellion and the invasion of Canada.