The Barracks
Part II: War & Occupation
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By 1778, the British controlled large swaths of New Jersey, all of Staten and Long Islands, areas of upstate New York, slivers of Maryland, and parts of Delaware and southeastern Pennsylvania. They launched incursions into Connecticut, Massachusetts, and Rhode Island. By 1780, they controlled virtually all of Georgia and South Carolina, as well as outposts in North Carolina and Virginia. Yet the war continued, on the battlefield and on the home front.
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Unable to meet the problems of domestic social welfare, the British could not vanquish the danger of rebel violence either, in the hinterlands or in the area surrounding the regions they captured. Staten Islanders were “terrorized daily” by Patriots and Loyalists. The experience was similar in Westchester, eastern Jersey, and Long Island, “a semi-lawless no man’s land.” The British vowed to restore the rule of law. Yet it only deteriorated. And now their own men, high and low, contributed to the plunder, kidnapping, sexual violence, murder, and black-market corruption.
Yet average British soldier fared poorly, too. Here at the main Barracks, 300 to 500 were housed 20 apiece in rooms measuring 21 square feet. This included wives and children, surviving on half and quarter rations. Most soldiers lived in tents or huts (“cantonments”) around the city, or in bivouacs on the waterfront. British officers praised their diligence and valor, but the rank-and-file were often highly disillusioned. They were increasingly barred from taverns alongside dogs because of their heavy drinking, an escape from the boredom and the brutality. And, increasingly hated by the population they were sent to ostensibly protect, they were usually buried in their own unmarked graves, thousands of miles from home.
Still, for all its hierarchy, brutality, and squalor, military life was as good, sometimes better, than urban life in Britain. The average man was thirty, with ten years of service (a “career soldier”). And most were former artisans: shoemakers and coopers, bakers and blacksmiths, barbers and bricklayers. They were diverse, too, not just English, Irish, Scottish, and Welsh, but Canadian, Swedish, Danish, Austrian, Swiss, Dutch, Polish, even the odd American. Soldiers from the Germanic states (“Hessians”) made up an increasing share of the “British” force, perhaps 30,000 in all.
The officer corps was equally demoralized. Even though rebels spent most of the war in retreat, the British military leadership expected a quick victory, like most of Europe. By any measure of strength and experience, they should have won, easily. They were veterans of many brilliantly successful campaigns, who had built one of the largest empires in history, and seemed to hold many advantages. Until recently, they were blamed for the defeat by historians on both sides of the Atlantic. And they are still lampooned in popular culture as incompetent and corrupt aristocrats — purchasing their military ranks, deploying weak strategy, and championing unbridled monarchy. But in fact, these commanders were children of the Enlightenment, and often Whigs (like the rebels and many Loyalists), who shifted tactics adroitly.
The real problem was not ideological or individual but material. The British struggled with a fragmentary bureaucracy, like the rebel military. But they also had far greater logistical challenges. Nearly 3,500 miles away from home, a 2-4 month voyage in either direction, they had to care for an enormous soldiery, plus tens of thousands of camp followers, runaway slaves, Native allies, Loyalists, refugees, and P.O.W.’s. Nature made scheduling and coordination of the supply chain virtually impossible.
And London imposed hard economic constraints. The English were among the most heavily taxed people on Earth, with a deficit that had grown fourteen times in the 1700s alone. Payments on the debt ate up more than three-quarters of the budget. And Parliament had to supply twenty-seven garrisons in North America. But it soon found itself facing the prospect of revolution in Ireland and invasion by France and Spain.
England had relied on partners to grow its empire. But the crown had alienated Prussia, its main ally during the mid-century wars. Now it stood alone, more alone than it would ever be in its history. Once the French, Spanish, and Dutch joined, the war expanded dramatically for Great Britain. They had to fight to defend colonies in the West Indies, the Mediterranean, west Africa, and India, where the last battle of the “American” Revolution was fought.
Such challenges had bedeviled great powers since ancient times, empires often avoiding direct territorial control for this reason: counterinsurgencies are economically and politically draining, competitors always stand waiting.
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Imperial Crisis (1763-1775)
1: The Battery
2: Coenties Slip
3: Hanover Square
4: Golden Hill
5: South Street Seaport
War & Occupation (1776-1783)
6: Peck Slip
7: Nathan Hale Statue
8: Sugarhouse Prison
9: Almshouse
10: The Barracks (you are here)
11: St. Paul’s Memorial
12: Trinity Church
Critical Period (1784-1789)
13: Bowling Green
14: Fraunces Tavern
15: Hamilton’s Office
16: Federal Hall
There are two markers for this site: brief text etched on the Broadway footpath near Park Place, and, far more difficult to spot, these reddish-brown stones outlining the giant footprint of the old Barracks, wrapping around the north half of City Hall Park (pictured here at the northwestern cross-path).
You’ll see part of the Bridewell’s foundation, too, behind the gate in front of a faded etching in the sidewalk as you proceed south on Broadway along the park’s northwestern lawn, just beside the flag and plaque marking where rebels erected their five Liberty Poles.
Daniel Ninham
The Revolution was a civil war for both colonists and the Indigenous. Some, like the warrior and chief Joseph Brant, supported the British, arguing that only they could prevent Americans from illegally selling or settling land in upstate and western New York.
Brant led the Mohawk in several assaults, including Jamaica Pass during the Battle for New York, plus a series of effective raids in the Hudson and Susquehanna River Valleys. But two other Haudenosaunee nations, the Oneida and Tuscarora, supported the rebels, dividing and ultimately helping to destroy the long-powerful “Iroquois” Confederation.
By contrast, the Munsee sachem Daniel Ninham, the most famous Native leader in the Lower Hudson Valley, became one of the rebels’ few Indigenous allies. Imperial officials had displaced his people and other northeastern tribes to Stockbridge, Massachusetts, before the Revolution, despite their conversion to Christianity and the support they provided Britain in the mid-century wars.
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As a result, they grew disenchanted with the British and, sharing grievances with small and tenant farmers, they joined the rebellion. The aged Ninham led the group, which fought valiantly at Ticonderoga and Saratoga. But on August 31, 1778, British soldiers, Loyalists, and Hessians surprised the “Stockbridge Indians” at Kingsbridge (“Indian Field” in today’s Van Cortlandt Park in the Bronx). Casualty estimates vary, but the result was disastrous. Ninham and his son were mortally wounded. The Wappingers and Mahicans returned home after the war, but despite their part in winning victory for the colonists, they were soon displaced again.
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Imperial Crisis (1763-1775)
1: The Battery
2: Coenties Slip
3: Hanover Square
4: Golden Hill
5: South Street Seaport
War & Occupation (1776-1783)
6: Peck Slip
7: Nathan Hale House
8: Sugarhouse Prison
9: Almshouse
10: The Barracks (you are here)
11: St. Paul’s Memorial
12: Trinity Church
Critical Period (1784-1789)
13: Bowling Green
14: Fraunces Tavern
15: Hamilton’s Office
16: Federal Hall